With an empty seat for Israel, open questions remain in the global push for the Gaza War’s day after

French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot and Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud meet at the Two-State Solution conference at the U.N. in New York, 29 July 2025

Jack Khoury writes in Haaretz on 3 August 2025:

The first coherent and detailed operational document outlining a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to be presented since the outbreak of the war in Gaza was laid out in the closing declarations of the New York conference co-chaired by France and Saudi Arabia, and with the participation of key international players.

In contrast to other conferences held in recent months, such as the Arab League summit in Cairo in March, the recent UN summit convened to discuss a two-state solution outlined operating principles, precise demands of both sides and proposals for civil, security and political mechanisms to ensure both Israel and the Palestinians meet their obligations. The document, even if it has no legal binding, has essentially become a diplomatic benchmark.

As an integral part of the call for a sustainable solution to the conflict, the document states that all states involved in its writing “reiterated our condemnation of all attacks by any party against civilians, including all acts of terrorism and indiscriminate attacks, and all attacks against civilian objects, acts of provocation, incitement and destruction.”

In the document, the Arab League, among other states, condemned the October 7 attacks committed by Hamas against Israeli civilians and the subsequent holding of hostages, adding that there is no justification for breaches in grave violation of international law.

The document states a demand that Hamas release the hostages and disarm, as a precondition for rebuilding Gaza. This demand stands in contrast to the Arab League’s remarks in March, which avoided placing responsibility on Hamas for the massacre, let alone calling for it to lay down its arms.

In tandem, the document states that the Israeli siege of Gaza and the starving of its people, which have resulted in a “devastating humanitarian catastrophe,” also contravenes international law. A senior Palestinian official said in that context that this was a “package deal.”

Another principle stated in the document is the gradual transfer of civilian and security powers in Gaza to the Palestinian Authority, assisted by an international force which will supervise, mediate and help create governmental stability. The Palestinian Authority will also undergo comprehensive reforms and hold general elections in the West Bank and Gaza.

The senior Palestinian official said that Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has declared several times that he is willing to accept the measures, and has even recently announced elections to the Palestinian National Council.

However, inside Palestinian society and outside of it, the question of Abbas’ commitment to the reforms stands. Many also question whether the measures he agreed to reflect the will of the Palestinian public.

The New York document also requires Israel to renew its commitment to a two-state solution. The document thereby states that Israel must stop building settlements and allow for territorial contiguity in the West Bank.

The last principle, and perhaps the most crucial one, applies to the international community – in particular the United States, Europe and the Gulf States – to recognize a future Palestinian State on the basis of the 1967 lines, including with regard to East Jerusalem.

Naturally, upon the release of the document, each of the parties opted to focus on the clauses it found most convenient. Israel mostly spoke about the principle of demanding Hamas disarm and the condemnation of the October 7 crimes, including by Arab states. The Palestinian Authority emphasized the call to advance the two-state solution, end the occupation and for international recognition of a Palestinian State.

The document presents an operational plan for the day after – something the Israeli government has avoided doing for nearly two years now. It sets a clear path that will eventually end in the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside Israel.

Against the backdrop of normalization talks with Israel, Saudi Arabia’s support for the principles set forth in the document signals it will not move forward on the normalization efforts between the two countries without an Israeli commitment to implement the two-state solution.

The question of the future of Hamas, which Israel still maintains must be defeated, reflects the different attitudes of the sides. Ramallah and the Arab world see Hamas’ regime in Gaza as a symptom of the crisis, not its cause. Therefore, the goal of removing it from positions of power is not divorced from that context, but part of the process to build a legitimate governing body for Gaza and the West Bank.

Although Hamas declaratively insists on its right to bear arms – as it said on Saturday following a statement made by U.S. Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff in support of disarming it – it understands that the demand is unrealistic.

Hamas’ conditions for the demilitarization of the Gaza Strip are a diplomatic solution and an end to the occupation – ambitious goals whose realization is not directly foreseeable in the near future

While the New York document offers answers to many questions, it leaves many others open: How long will Israel stay in Gaza? Will it be possible to end the Hamas regime in Gaza without general Palestinian and Arab consent? How will the Palestinian Authority return to Gaza? The road to the implementation of the two-state solution must go through these questions, too.

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