Why is David Cameron silent on Israel’s invasion of Rafah?


The British foreign secretary may have to stick to a pro-forma script that maintain Britain’s complicity in the ongoing Israeli crimes

Residents fleeing Rafah, 9 May 2024

Chris Doyle writes in Middle East Eye on 10 May 2024:

For three months, the British government has repeatedly voiced concerns regarding the Israeli intention to launch a ground invasion of Rafah.  Yet, when the actual Israeli invasion kicked off this week, the British government was deathly silent.

No ministerial statement, no government press release and no social media posts. David Cameron, the UK foreign secretary, has embarked on an impressive disappearing act.

When he did finally pop up to make a major foreign affairs speech on Thursday, he made three standard references to Gaza and not one about any invasion of Rafah. He dodged the chance to stand tall on the world stage.  Government ministers would score a set of perfect 10s for the verbal gymnastics in order to skip past the understandable parliamentary and media questions fired off at them.

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak deployed that favourite line that he is “deeply concerned” about a full military incursion of Rafah. Sunak was also deeply concerned back in mid-February. It was as if the tape was on a constant loop.

One might have expected a British government statement pushing all sides to step back from the brink and push for a pause in the fighting, leading to a credible ceasefire. This has been the preferred British formulation for months.

Lame moves
The government did not even provide a ministerial statement to Parliament. It was left to the shadow foreign secretary, David Lammy, to seek an urgent question which the speaker granted.

The deputy foreign secretary, Andrew Mitchell, was forced to answer in the Commons, but sounded no more concerned that he did a week ago. He acted as if the situation had not altered one jot. “There is no difference between what I have said today and the response I gave on the last occasion I was at the dispatch box.”  Mitchell’s floor routine was convoluted, involving an impressive backflip.  On 30 April Mitchell stated: “Given the number of civilians sheltering in Rafah, it is not easy to see how such an offensive could be compliant with international humanitarian law.”

It is a cardinal principle of this Conservative government not to make any determination that Israel’s actions in Gaza might have broken international humanitarian law. By 7 May, Mitchell commented: “We have not seen a credible plan for military action in Rafah so far, so we are not able to judge whether it would be in accordance with international humanitarian law.”  The “logic” of this position is that Israel was wise not to share its plans for a Rafah invasion with the UK government.

Sunak, Cameron and Mitchell are clearly grateful for having been saved the trouble of having to determine whether any plan was legal or not. Mitchell did not call for Israel to share any such plan. That might be awkward. Mitchell would not be drawn, of course, as to whether Israel’s actions as opposed to plans were legal or not.

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