Israel must investigate every serious accusation of committing war crimes in Gaza

Anti-war demonstration in Jerusalem, August 2925

Dan Meridor writes in Haaretz on 26 August 2025:

Under Israeli law, which established the IDF and defines how it must operate, the military is obligated to act within the framework of Israeli legislation, the IDF’s own code of ethics, and international humanitarian law. This obligation has never been renounced. On the contrary, we have always taken pride in adhering to the laws of war and upholding ethical conduct in combat.

For decades, we’ve heard the claim – perhaps somewhat arrogant and self-congratulatory – that the IDF is “the most moral army in the world.” And yet, despite the pretension embedded in such a statement, it’s fair to say that over the years, through many wars, there was a genuine attempt to preserve the IDF as a military force that operates within legal and moral boundaries.

The truth is, not everything was always done properly. There were times when the principle of “purity of arms” was violated, and not every incident was addressed as it should have been. But successive Israeli leaders and IDF commanders did try to prevent such actions and to respond to them when they occurred.

Many will recall Natan Alterman’s poem “Al Zot” (“For This”), published during the War of Independence in November 1948, following the murder of an Arab civilian by an Israeli soldier. Then-Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion ordered the poem to be distributed to IDF soldiers.

We were also educated – in the army as well – about the Kafr Qasem trial, in which Border Police officers and policemen were prosecuted and convicted for the killing of civilians during the 1956 Sinai Campaign. That trial cemented the principle that a soldier has an obligation to refuse a manifestly illegal order. Others will remember the Golani and Givati trials, the case of Col. Yehuda Meir during the Intifada, and the resignation of the head of the Shin Bet and other senior officials after the Bus 300 affair in 1984.

We taught our soldiers to act within the law. And when severe breaches did occur, we sometimes took action, bringing the offenders to justice.

Today, Israel faces serious accusations of committing war crimes, particularly in Gaza. These allegations are not only coming from hostile sources, but also from some of our closest allies. They see images and videos, some filmed by IDF soldiers themselves, broadcast on international media and social networks. Accompanying these visuals are inflammatory statements made by our prime minister, cabinet ministers, and coalition Knesset members – the same Knesset under whose authority the IDF operates.

They heard Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu evoke the biblical war against Amalek early in the war, citing 1 Samuel: “Now go and smite Amalek… slay both man and woman, infant and suckling…” When the implications of this reference became clear, Netanyahu later clarified that he did not mean genocide.

They also heard Boaz Bismuth, head of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, declare: “There is no place for any humanitarian gesture. We need to erase the vestige of Amalek.” And they read Netanyahu’s comments to the same committee: “We are demolishing more and more houses. They have nowhere to return to. The sole result will be the desire of Gazans to immigrate.”

They heard Heritage Minister Amichay Eliyahu suggesting dropping an atomic bomb on Gaza, and describing the destruction in Northern Gaza as “a real treat.”

They heard Yitzhak Kroizer of Otzma Yehudit say, “We need to flatten Gaza.”

They heard Nissim Vaturi declare: “We need to burn Gaza. There are no more innocent people there. We need to eliminate those who remain,” and “We all have a mutual goal – erasing the Gaza Strip from the face of the earth.”

These quotes, widely available in the media and easily translated, are being read and heard around the world. Now try explaining to the international community that Israel’s political leadership doesn’t really mean what it says, and that the IDF doesn’t take such rhetoric seriously. The damage to Israel’s reputation is unprecedented, and it’s getting worse as the war drags on.

Where is the Israeli government in all of this? What is it doing to address these serious accusations?

It is not enough to cry out that all of these critics are antisemites. Yes, antisemitism exists. Yes, there are those who want to see Israel disappear. But they are not the primary problem. The issue lies with the many individuals, organizations, and governments – including many Jews – who stood with Israel after October 7 and are now genuinely appalled by the reports, images, and rhetoric.

First, we must thoroughly investigate every serious accusation. If the claims are false, we must publicly say so and defend the truth in international forums and the media. But if these allegations are true, we must say that too – and take action against those responsible, whether they committed or ordered the offenses. These investigations must be handled seriously by the Military Advocate General’s office, Military Police investigators, and the civilian legal system.

Second, the decision to bar foreign journalists from Gaza has created the impression that Israel has something to hide. This was a grave error. We should allow those who wish to report from Gaza to do so.

There is also a broader issue beyond legality and morality: the question of cost versus benefit. The government failed to recognize a fundamental change in modern warfare. In the past, wars weren’t broadcast in real time. Today, the entire world watches.

This war is being fought on two fronts: the battlefield and the screen. War always looks horrific – dead bodies, destruction, crying children searching for their parents in the rubble. And in this new world, a reversal of perception takes place: the strong is weakened and the weak grows stronger. If you appear overwhelmingly strong for too long, then even if your cause is just, you begin to look like the villain. If you appear weak and oppressed day after day, then even if you’re on the “wrong side,” you may still seem pitiable and evoke the world’s sympathy.

This dynamic doesn’t just affect public opinion, but also the decisions of world leaders. In today’s world, even just wars can be lost if they go on too long.

Just look at the collapse of Israel’s international standing. This wouldn’t have happened if we had ended the war after the justified and painful blow to Hamas, similar to our response to Hezbollah – without declarations of “total victory,” a term that was never clearly defined and remains unachievable.

This war must stop immediately. Return the hostages. Face the serious allegations and respond to them. It won’t be easy, but it is essential – not only to preserve the IDF’s moral compass and protect our soldiers, but to halt the catastrophic diplomatic fallout, which is strengthening our enemies and weakening us.

This article is reproduced in its entirety