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2016:

06 May: Tair Kaminer starts her fifth spell in gaol. Send messages of support via Reuven Kaminer

04 May: Against the resort to denigration of Israel’s critics

2015:

23 Dec: JfJfP policy statement on BDS

14 Nov: Letter to the Guardian about the Board of Deputies

11 Nov: UK ban on visiting Palestinian mental health workers

20 Oct: letter in the Guardian

13 Sep: Rosh Hashanah greetings

21 Aug: JfJfP on Jeremy Corbyn

29 July: Letter to Evening Standard about its shoddy reporting

24 April: Letter to FIFA about Israeli football

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11 Jan: Letter to the Guardian in response to Jonathan Freedland on Charlie Hebdo

2014:

15 Dec: Chanukah: Celebrating the miracle of holy oil not military power

1 Dec: Executive statement on bill to make Israel the nation state of the Jewish people

25 Nov: Submission to All-Party Parliamentary Group Against Antisemitism

7 Sept: JfJfP Executive statement on Antisemitism

3 Aug: Urgent disclaimer

19 June Statement on the three kidnapped teenagers

25 April: Exec statement on Yarmouk

28 Mar: EJJP letter in support of Dutch pension fund PGGM's decision to divest from Israeli banks

24 Jan: Support for Riba resolution

16 Jan: EJJP lobbies EU in support of the EU Commission Guidelines, Aug 2013–Jan 2014

2013:

29 November: JfJfP, with many others, signs a "UK must protest at Bedouin expulsion" letter

November: Press release, letter to the Times and advert in the Independent on the Prawer Plan

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24 Jan: Letter re the 1923 San Remo convention

18 Jan: In Support of Bab al-Shams

17 Jan: Letter to Camden New Journal about Veolia

11 Jan: JfJfP supports public letter to President Obama

Comments in 2012 and 2011

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Posts

‘Why bother and make Area C an official annexation if de facto, it is annexation?’

Israeli army tractors demolish a Palestinian home, 2011, in the village of Yatta. Photo by Abed Al Hashlamoun/EPA/Landov

 

Palestinians face losing their home on the (firing) range

About 1,500 Palestinians living in the South Hebron Hills will likely be uprooted to make way for an Israeli military firing range.

By Andreas Hackl, Christian Science Monitor

August 13, 2012

RAMALLAH, WEST BANK–Khalid Jabareen’s tone was frantic as he discussed the future of his village and family, even though he thought the moment he dreaded – when they would be expelled from their homes – was months away.

“What should we do when they come to kick us out? They will come with bulldozers when our children are asleep. Then we don’t know where to go,” Mr. Jabareen said, speaking last week in the West Bank town of Yatta. “I think we have three or four months until we are expelled.”

Two days later, the Israeli military sent the first unmistakable sign to his village Jinba of residents’ impending expulsion, as scores of armed soldiers entered their village, checked IDs, and photographed the residents’ cave dwellings and tents.

“We were all sleeping when we heard the noise of the helicopters,” Jabareen recounts a day after the raid. “They told us to leave our homes for an hour, set up an army tent close by, and took photos.”

His village of Jinba is one of eight in the South Hebron Hills, home to about 1,500 Palestinians altogether, that will soon be uprooted to make way for Firing Zone 918, a military training ground. The Israeli Ministry of Defense asked the High Court of Justice to green-light the necessary evictions and demolitions last month, setting in motion the eviction of Palestinian residents who say their roots there go back generations.

Military necessity?

The Israeli plan to transform the hilly landscape at the southern tip of the West Bank into a firing zone goes back to the 1970s, when the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) declared some 30,000 dunams (7,500 acres) in the area a closed military zone. Under Israeli military law, only permanent residents are allowed to remain in closed military zones, and most of the residents do not meet the requirements to be considered permanent residents by the Israeli authorities. Some of them live in traditional tents and caves, by choice, while others have been unable to obtain the permits necessary to legally build.

Palestinians continued to live in the area relatively unperturbed until 1999, when eviction orders forced the evacuation of about 700 residents.

What followed were petitions by the residents and Israeli NGOs to the Israeli Supreme Court and an unsuccessful mediation effort. In the meantime, Palestinians continued to live and work on the land they say they have lived on for generations. The legal proceedings continued for 12 years, until the Israeli defense ministry finally pushed for the Supreme Court’s approval for the evacuation of the area.

In its statement, the ministry contested residence claims by some of the 49 residents petitioning the court, stating that an investigation revealed that 38 of them actually had permanent residents in or near the nearby town of Yatta.

While humanitarian organizations and the European Union heavily criticized the planned evictions, Israel says it needs that particular area for training because of its unique topography and because of its security status.

“The vital importance of this firing zone to the IDF stems from the unique topographical character of the area, which allows for training methods specific to both small and large frameworks, from a squad to a battalion,” the Israeli defense ministry wrote last month.

“The area in question is characterized by numerous security threats, including the presence of illegal residents and criminal and terror elements. In response to these threats, ongoing and routine IDF exercises are carried out to deal with these security concerns. Part of the IDF’s response to terror and criminal threats is a high level of familiarity with the area in question and those who inhabit it and thus a degree of surveillance is necessary,” the IDF wrote in an e-mail to the Monitor this week.

Government policy?

Firing zones make up about 18 percent of the West Bank, and about 45 percent of all demolitions of Palestinian structures in the Israeli controlled sections of the West Bank since 2010 took place in such firing zones, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

The West Bank is split into three zones – Area A, under full Palestinian control; Area B, under joint Israeli-Palestinian control; and Area C, under full Israeli control. For the estimated 150,000 Palestinians (a small fraction of the Palestinian population in the West Bank) living among the 300,000 Israeli settlers in Area C, building permits are extremely diffcult to get – but without them, Palestinians in Area C cannot legally build and establish permanent residency. Area C makes up about 60 percent of the West Bank.

The European Union has been pressuring Israel to change its policies in Area C and to issue more building permits for humanitarian projects and has also been critical of the demolition and evacuation plans for the South Hebron Hills.

“The intention by the Israeli Ministry of Defense to prohibit permanent residence in the firing zone and thus to evacuate 8 communities (…) entail the forced transfer of up to 1,800 people, contrary to Israel’s obligations as the Occupying Power,” the EU said in a statement released after a visit of EU diplomats in the firing zone the day after the IDF entered Jinba.

Hafez Houraini, who coordinates the Palestinian Popular Committee in South Hebron, says the demolitions and evacuations are an attempt to drive them out of Israeli-controlled Area C and into population centers in Palestinian-administered Areas A and B.

“Palestinians in this area are struggling peasants,” Mr. Huraini says. “Israel wants to push them out of the area.”

When queried, the Israeli foreign ministry denied that the government has any such policy goal.

‘Here for generations’

The Israeli Civil Administration in the West Bank says that the Supreme Court will most likely support the evacuation of firing zone 918 because it too considers Palestinians there illegal residents.

“The court told us to wait with the demolitions. Although the court has not ruled yet, we think that it will agree that these structures are illegal and continue to spread illegally,” Guy Inbar, spokesman of the Civil Administration, says.

But NGOs and residents point out that the villages existed prior to the beginning of the Israeli military occupation of the West Bank in 1967 and that the area’s “cave-dwellers” have practiced their traditional way of life for decades.

“These communities are there for generations and they have the right to a basic standard of living,” says Israeli attorney Tamar Feldman, director of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel’s (ACRI) human rights program for the Palestinian territories, which handled the resident’s legal cases. “But instead, the Israeli army uses this territory as a firing zone, although it is occupied territory.”

The Israeli Defense Ministry has said it would allow the communities to continue to graze their sheep and cultivate their land in the firing zone on Jewish holidays and weekends, when the military does not train.

But the Palestinian residents say that nearby Yatta, the poor and crowded town of 50,000 that is the most logical place to relocate, does not have what they need to make a living.

“We have 3,500 sheep in Jinba. What should I do with these animals in a city?” Jabareen says. “There is no space in Yatta.”

In addition to the eight villages slated for evacuation, there are four inside the firing zone which are not set for complete evacuation yet. However, they also face demolition orders for structures built without permits, which is many of the buildings in their villages, and say that their traditional way of life is threatened.

“This land here is our place, this is where we have freedom,” says Rasmiyye Hamamne, a woman from Mufaqara, one of the villages in the firing zone not slated for evacuation. Her husband, Na’man, says that this family has lived in a cave for generations. “My grandfather lived here, and his grandfather lived here. We will stay here as well.”


Palestinians Fear New Israeli Moves In West Bank

By Lourdes Garcia-Navarro, National Public Radio

August 14, 2012

Peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians have been frozen for almost two years. But Palestinians say that doesn’t mean events aren’t happening on the ground.

Recently, the Israeli military issued orders calling for evacuation and demolition of nearly a dozen Palestinian communities in the occupied West Bank. Palestinians see this as evidence of Israeli plans to annex the territory, though Israel denies this.

Palestinian Ismael el-Adrah, 67, is a shrunken man with a snow-white beard and a bright blue shirt, who is unusually dapper for a farmer in the remote Hebron hills. He lives in a collection of tin-roofed shacks, tents and concrete homes with his four wives, 33 children and 150 sheep.

Scattered nearby are other villages similar to this one, all of them under threat of evacuation and demolition.

Adrah says the land has been the property of his family since the days of the Ottomans, who ruled the area until the end of World War I. For generations, the family has farmed and raised sheep, he says.

The Israeli military, though, says it needs the area for a firing range, and it’s pushing to get the villagers out through the Israeli courts.

The Battle Over Area C

But Palestinians say the fight isn’t over a single piece of land. It’s a much broader battle, they say.

The communities lie in what is known as Area C. The Oslo peace accords of 1993 divided the West Bank into three sections pending a final settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Area A, which includes the Palestinian cities and towns, is supposed to be under Palestinian control. Area B, which is made up mostly of Palestinian villages and farmland on the fringes of Palestinian towns, is supposed to have Palestinian civilian rule and Israeli security control.

Area C is under full Israeli administrative and security control and accounts for some 60 percent of the West Bank.

Most Jewish settlements in the West Bank are located in Area C, and Israel restricts Palestinian building in these areas.

Abdul Aziz Abu Fanar works in the nearby Hebron municipal center of Yatta. He says the Israelis’ actions in Area C indicate strongly that they want to annex it.

It’s a suspicion that has only been fueled by recent statements from right-wing leaders in Israel who have come out publicly in support of such a plan.

“The idea is to apply Israeli sovereignty and law on the Israeli-controlled areas, so it becomes Israel,” says Naftali Bennett, a former adviser to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and an advocate of the settlements. “The Israeli-controlled areas become effectively Israel, which is what happened in Jerusalem, various neighborhoods, what happened in the Golan Heights.”

Relatively few Palestinians live in Area C — the estimates vary from 90,000 to 150,000 out of some 2.5 million Palestinians in the entire West Bank.

A De Facto Annexation?

So far, annexation of the West Bank is a fringe view that hasn’t gained mainstream support in Israel.

Dan Meridor, Israel’s deputy prime minister, dismisses claims that Israel will unilaterally annex any part of the West Bank, which he calls by its biblical name of Judea and Samaria.

“There is no policy of annexing any part of Judea and Samaria. It’s 45 years [since Israel took the West Bank in the 1967 war], and with the exception of Jerusalem, we didn’t annex one inch,” Meridor says. “Not only this, we agreed to the paradigm of a Palestinian state living alongside Israel as a final agreement.”

In court documents, Israel claims that it’s the Palestinians who are trying to create “facts on the ground” in area C. It says with the support of the Palestinian Authority and the international community, Palestinians are moving people and building structures in Area C in contravention of the Oslo Accords.

Yossi Beilin was one of the architects of the Oslo peace accords. A left-wing Israeli politician who is now an analyst, he says Israel has no need to formally annex Area C and incur the wrath of the international community.

“We are building there, we are announcing universities there,” he says. “There is no problem whatsoever for any Israeli to move around freely in Area C and to do whatever he or she wants to do there. Why bother and make it an official annexation if de facto, it is annexation?”

And that, say some Palestinians, is exactly what’s happening.

Back in the Hebron hills, Adrah, the farmer, says despite the pending court case over his land, the Israeli army is trying to make his life impossible so that he will leave of his own accord.

There is just one unpaved road that leads to his homestead. It’s how his children get to school and his only way to get into town.

As we were leaving the village of Bir el-Aid on a recent day, Israeli army vehicles blocked the way. A military bulldozer set up concrete blocks across the road to prevent villagers from crossing in or out of the area.

And then an Israeli soldier told us that us we had to leave because this was now considered a closed military area.

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