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06 May: Tair Kaminer starts her fifth spell in gaol. Send messages of support via Reuven Kaminer

04 May: Against the resort to denigration of Israel’s critics


23 Dec: JfJfP policy statement on BDS

14 Nov: Letter to the Guardian about the Board of Deputies

11 Nov: UK ban on visiting Palestinian mental health workers

20 Oct: letter in the Guardian

13 Sep: Rosh Hashanah greetings

21 Aug: JfJfP on Jeremy Corbyn

29 July: Letter to Evening Standard about its shoddy reporting

24 April: Letter to FIFA about Israeli football

15 April: Letter re Ed Miliband and Israel

11 Jan: Letter to the Guardian in response to Jonathan Freedland on Charlie Hebdo


15 Dec: Chanukah: Celebrating the miracle of holy oil not military power

1 Dec: Executive statement on bill to make Israel the nation state of the Jewish people

25 Nov: Submission to All-Party Parliamentary Group Against Antisemitism

7 Sept: JfJfP Executive statement on Antisemitism

3 Aug: Urgent disclaimer

19 June Statement on the three kidnapped teenagers

25 April: Exec statement on Yarmouk

28 Mar: EJJP letter in support of Dutch pension fund PGGM's decision to divest from Israeli banks

24 Jan: Support for Riba resolution

16 Jan: EJJP lobbies EU in support of the EU Commission Guidelines, Aug 2013–Jan 2014


29 November: JfJfP, with many others, signs a "UK must protest at Bedouin expulsion" letter

November: Press release, letter to the Times and advert in the Independent on the Prawer Plan

September: Briefing note and leaflet on the Prawer Plan

September: JfJfP/EJJP on the EU guidelines with regard to Israel

14th June: JfJfP joins other organisations in protest to BBC

2nd June: A light unto nations? - a leaflet for distribution at the "Closer to Israel" rally in London

24 Jan: Letter re the 1923 San Remo convention

18 Jan: In Support of Bab al-Shams

17 Jan: Letter to Camden New Journal about Veolia

11 Jan: JfJfP supports public letter to President Obama

Comments in 2012 and 2011



Baseless beliefs blind Israeli regime to strength of those they conquer

Israel’s blindness causing its decline

Netanyahu can call the prisoners he frees “murderers,” and emotionally eulogize Rehavam Ze’evi. He prefers a strong Hamas, since he prefers a dead end. This is why he prefers to leave in prison the two most important Palestinian leaders – Marwan Barghouti and Ahmad Saadat – behind bars.

By Yitzhak Laor, Haaretz

Israelis do not like war any more than anyone else, and particularly not being on the receiving end. Nonetheless, a future historian who explains the decline of Israel will need to also spend a bit of time on their great blindness.

Here are two examples: Israel occupied Lebanon to destroy the Palestine Liberation Organization and thereby solve the problem of Palestine, including an attempt to make use of the Shi’ites. From this violent coupling, Hezbollah was born. The other initiative was even less funny: Israel encouraged the establishment of Hamas in Gaza. Here too, the illusion that Hamas could stop the PLO and the Palestinians’ striving for independence stood at the forefront of the occupier’s thoughts – as if the struggle against the occupation would disappear into the mosques.

This stupidity was born from the Orientalist knowledge learned in the universities, and transmitted from there like a fungus on the skin to the Israel Defense Forces and the Shin Bet security service. Based on this knowledge, [they believe that] the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Egypt, the mother of Hamas, is opposed to nationalism and is interested in spreading religion over the face of the earth. It seems reasonable therefore that the Palestinians will congregate in the mosques and forget about oppression.

Then, in the 1980s, none of the wise men of the army even thought that every organization in the occupied territories would be required to fight the occupation, sooner or later, since the lives of the Palestinians under the occupation were insufferable. The academic Orientalist experts who sold the defense establishment the Shi’ites, and Hamas thereafter, “in order to stop the PLO,” failed in their understanding of the simplest matter: Occupation gives birth to opposition; opposition gives birth to death; death leads to more conflict, etc.

The nurturing of Hamas was of course done in the days of the Likud – after the fiasco in Lebanon. For the Likud and its descendants, the occupation is not occupation at all. Opposition to occupation for them is some type of plot by the wicked Haman or Hitler, and not the refusal to make do with a dog’s life. Nevertheless, the Israeli disregard for the fact that this is an occupation does not need only Middle Eastern studies and public blindness. From the army’s perspective, the war is a normal state of things. True, no general wants to be killed, even in return for a street or bridge named after him. It is almost certain that even the military funeral of one of his soldiers does not make him happy. The chance that our lives will be disrupted by the rocket fire also does not exactly cause the generals to rejoice: They remember Dan Halutz’s banishment after the Second Lebanon War. But despite all that, the military mentality has not succeeded in understanding the definition of “not to assassinate,” after one Grad rocket was launched into Israeli territory. They cannot possibly behave differently, just like the scorpion told the frog in the folktale. This is how they have educated Israelis for years: “They started.”

But the Orientalist blindness and an army starving for action are not the entire explanation. In the end, after every bloody cycle like this one, even if it is short, sits the Israeli rejection [of the need] to truly divide up the land with a real bridge between Gaza and the West Bank and [of a] true willingness to create new relations. As time passes, the occupation deepens and the opposition becomes more extreme. Without a radical solution, one that takes into account the freedom of the Palestinians as a significant factor, there will be no change in our lives.

Netanyahu can call the prisoners he frees “murderers,” and emotionally eulogise Rehavam (Ghandi) Ze’evi. He prefers a strong Hamas, since he prefers a dead end. This is why he prefers to leave in prison the two most important Palestinian leaders, those who can bring about a solution – Marwan Barghouti and Ahmad Saadat.

This is how Israel continues to sink into the swampy real estate to the east, and the air force’s volleys to the southwest. In the summer, we travel to Europe. When we return, we must sigh: How awful the Middle East is.

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