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06 May: Tair Kaminer starts her fifth spell in gaol. Send messages of support via Reuven Kaminer

04 May: Against the resort to denigration of Israel’s critics


23 Dec: JfJfP policy statement on BDS

14 Nov: Letter to the Guardian about the Board of Deputies

11 Nov: UK ban on visiting Palestinian mental health workers

20 Oct: letter in the Guardian

13 Sep: Rosh Hashanah greetings

21 Aug: JfJfP on Jeremy Corbyn

29 July: Letter to Evening Standard about its shoddy reporting

24 April: Letter to FIFA about Israeli football

15 April: Letter re Ed Miliband and Israel

11 Jan: Letter to the Guardian in response to Jonathan Freedland on Charlie Hebdo


15 Dec: Chanukah: Celebrating the miracle of holy oil not military power

1 Dec: Executive statement on bill to make Israel the nation state of the Jewish people

25 Nov: Submission to All-Party Parliamentary Group Against Antisemitism

7 Sept: JfJfP Executive statement on Antisemitism

3 Aug: Urgent disclaimer

19 June Statement on the three kidnapped teenagers

25 April: Exec statement on Yarmouk

28 Mar: EJJP letter in support of Dutch pension fund PGGM's decision to divest from Israeli banks

24 Jan: Support for Riba resolution

16 Jan: EJJP lobbies EU in support of the EU Commission Guidelines, Aug 2013–Jan 2014


29 November: JfJfP, with many others, signs a "UK must protest at Bedouin expulsion" letter

November: Press release, letter to the Times and advert in the Independent on the Prawer Plan

September: Briefing note and leaflet on the Prawer Plan

September: JfJfP/EJJP on the EU guidelines with regard to Israel

14th June: JfJfP joins other organisations in protest to BBC

2nd June: A light unto nations? - a leaflet for distribution at the "Closer to Israel" rally in London

24 Jan: Letter re the 1923 San Remo convention

18 Jan: In Support of Bab al-Shams

17 Jan: Letter to Camden New Journal about Veolia

11 Jan: JfJfP supports public letter to President Obama

Comments in 2012 and 2011



The return of the veil

The Jewish-Muslim sisterhood of the veil

Muslim and Jewish women who embrace orthodoxy have a sense of ethnic-moral supremacy, and feel that they are leading a revolution that will change society.
By Avirama Golan

A few weeks ago a rather slim book was published in French that is already causing a firestorm, as would be expected considering its title, which translates as “Islam Pride: Behind the Veil.”

The volume’s author, Hele Beji, is a Tunisian intellectual and writer and the founder of the International College of Tunis. Her tract is another in a long line of similar books by Muslim women from North Africa and France, but it presents an innovative stance of importance beyond its geographic location.

Beji’s book opens with a confession. As a committed secularist, she cannot stand veils, burkas or any of the other head coverings that have been spreading like wildfire in recent years.

Beji’s style is sharp and beautiful, the revulsion she expresses at the beginning of the book so deep and her cultural reasoning so daring that it arouses suspicion that this is a little book that yet again presents the enlightened West versus a purportedly backward Islam.

But in the second chapter, Beji goes on to deconstruct her feelings and analyze the complexity of the background behind the dizzying triumph of the veil.

The phenomenon does not constitute a retreat of hundreds of years, Beji says in taking issue with French feminism. It is not (only ) male oppression or false consciousness on the part of women, misled by a world of chauvinistic-religious values, returning them to submissive status and relegating them to dealing with the kitchen and the children.

Instead it is an up-to-date expression of contemporary culture and its consequences, and involves stretching the feminist-liberal interpretation to its limits.

Young Tunisian women, like their counterparts in France and elsewhere, oppose secularism because the decision to cover oneself up to the eyes and strictly conform to the commandments of the Koran embodies a choice made freely. You women are such liberals, mocks her female relative, who received the same broad Western education she did, if you don’t understand that the decision to oppose liberalism is actually the height of liberalism!

Beji’s text faithfully represents the cultural conflict to which the secular West turns its back and of which it is so horrified. The author fondly recalls that mythological moment in which her uncle, former Tunisian president Habib Bourguiba, lifted an amazed young woman’s veil and told her: Look squarely at the world and it will look squarely at you.

But Beji thereby recognizes that the eradication of religiosity in her country was also violent, and that Bourguiba, like Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in Turkey, who influenced the Tunisian leader, was an autocrat.

Bourguiba imposed a process that another one of Ataturk’s admirers, David Ben-Gurion, didn’t dare or didn’t want to carry out, even though his administration was the closest to an autocracy. The result in both cultures was similar, however.

The religious element that was suppressed, or gave in, is bursting forth with renewed vigor. Beji makes clear it is a mistake to view this as a return to the past. The veil is an external characteristic, a trademark, shaping identity in the spirit of the times. It is Islam pride.

Secular Israelis have a hard time deciphering the religious revolution taking place before their eyes because they are used to quarreling with ultra-Orthodox Jews who represent a stable and conservative form of religiosity.

They are confused by nationalist ultra-Orthodox Jews, also known by their Hebrew acronym Hardal. In many respects, the new national ultra-Orthodox Jewish woman, educated career women who grew up with a moderate religious education and chose to be more extreme in the hallmarks of their religiosity, are amazingly similar to the new Muslim women. This includes the Jewish women’s comprehensive acceptance of rabbinical authority, an increased birthrate and stricter modesty.

Both groups of women, Muslim and Jewish, have a sense of ethnic-moral supremacy. Both feel that they are leading a revolution that will change society as a whole, including the government.

Beji, who does a good job analyzing the fundamental weakness of the secular liberal and consumerist-globalized West in the face of religious influence, proposes a gentle form of a culture war. Showing understanding for extremist motives, she seeks to open religiosity to renewed discussion that will render insularity unnecessary.

Such a brave step, however, will require that society deal with all of its demons and repressed issues and here secular people will be asked to resolutely define their identities, and not as a frightened counter-reaction, in the face of the hazy concept of the “Jewish State.”

It is doubtful if Israelis will demonstrate the power to do that. In the interim, it appears, they would be inclined to give in entirely to the national ultra-Orthodox.

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