Amira Hass reports in Haaretz 21.12.2020
In our times, when the threshold of what is disgusting keeps mounting, and when the demonstrations near Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s residence exhaust Israel’s critical energies, the task at hand is particularly difficult. But we’ll try anyway.
So where were we? In 1994. The prime minister is Yitzhak Rabin, the defense minister is Shimon Peres, the government is comprised of a coalition of Labor, Meretz and Shas. It’s the year of accelerated negotiations for an interim agreement with the Palestinians, on the way to a final status phase, which was still being called “peace” by believers. In May that year the Palestinian Authority was established. There was talk of disbanding the Civil Administration.
It’s only clear that right before the handling of the population registry was transferred from the Civil Administration to the PA, civilian and military bureaucrats hastened to get rid of as many listed Palestinian residents as possible. In 1993 Israel defined 2,475 West Bank Palestinians as “ceased being a resident” (the 1993 and 1994 figures were provided in a response that the Defense Ministry’s unit of Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories, aka COGAT, gave last month to attorney Adi Lustigman).
Israeli citizens (Jews as well as Palestinians) who have gone to live abroad remain citizens, but are not eligible for the social welfare rights accruing to a full-fledged resident. They and their children are, however, allowed to visit and to resettle in Israel. On the other hand, the revocation of the residency status of Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is not simply a matter of freezing the right to proper health care, for example; it means depriving one of the natural right to return to one’s homeland and to bequeath this right to one’s children. Even the right of the “ceased to be residents” and their children to come for a visit is difficult to impossible to exercise due to Israel’s evil entry regulations.
During the Oslo Accords negotiations the Palestinians demanded that all the “ceased to be residents” could renew their status. Paragraph 28 (3) of the interim agreement states that “a joint committee will be established to solve the reissuing of identity cards to those residents who have lost their ID cards.”
The committee began to work in 2000 but stopped due to the outbreak of the second intifada later in the year, “and to this day the PA has not asked to renew the activity of the committee,” according to COGAT replies to HaMoked in 2012 and to attorney Lustigman last month. The entity that is supposed to request the renewal of the committee’s activity is the Palestinian Ministry of Civil Affairs.
Even without the committee, since 1995 the residency status of several tens of thousands of Palestinians has been renewed. Some of them were included within the context of “the quota given to associates of the chairman (Yasser Arafat) and members of the Palestinian organizations” (as written in the response to HaMoked). Some regained residency status with the help of lawyers. Others – after an exhausting, prolonged and expensive struggle – succeeded to restore their residency status (but with a new ID number) by means of a procedure called “family reunification,” which was also frozen in 2000.