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JfJfP comments


06 May: Tair Kaminer starts her fifth spell in gaol. Send messages of support via Reuven Kaminer

04 May: Against the resort to denigration of Israel’s critics


23 Dec: JfJfP policy statement on BDS

14 Nov: Letter to the Guardian about the Board of Deputies

11 Nov: UK ban on visiting Palestinian mental health workers

20 Oct: letter in the Guardian

13 Sep: Rosh Hashanah greetings

21 Aug: JfJfP on Jeremy Corbyn

29 July: Letter to Evening Standard about its shoddy reporting

24 April: Letter to FIFA about Israeli football

15 April: Letter re Ed Miliband and Israel

11 Jan: Letter to the Guardian in response to Jonathan Freedland on Charlie Hebdo


15 Dec: Chanukah: Celebrating the miracle of holy oil not military power

1 Dec: Executive statement on bill to make Israel the nation state of the Jewish people

25 Nov: Submission to All-Party Parliamentary Group Against Antisemitism

7 Sept: JfJfP Executive statement on Antisemitism

3 Aug: Urgent disclaimer

19 June Statement on the three kidnapped teenagers

25 April: Exec statement on Yarmouk

28 Mar: EJJP letter in support of Dutch pension fund PGGM's decision to divest from Israeli banks

24 Jan: Support for Riba resolution

16 Jan: EJJP lobbies EU in support of the EU Commission Guidelines, Aug 2013–Jan 2014


29 November: JfJfP, with many others, signs a "UK must protest at Bedouin expulsion" letter

November: Press release, letter to the Times and advert in the Independent on the Prawer Plan

September: Briefing note and leaflet on the Prawer Plan

September: JfJfP/EJJP on the EU guidelines with regard to Israel

14th June: JfJfP joins other organisations in protest to BBC

2nd June: A light unto nations? - a leaflet for distribution at the "Closer to Israel" rally in London

24 Jan: Letter re the 1923 San Remo convention

18 Jan: In Support of Bab al-Shams

17 Jan: Letter to Camden New Journal about Veolia

11 Jan: JfJfP supports public letter to President Obama

Comments in 2012 and 2011




State racism to Mizrahi Jews

Ofakim, a city in southern Israel, 20 kilometres west of Beersheba. It was founded as a development town on April 19, 1955. Photo by Yossi Zamir/Flash 90

Anti-Mizrahi discrimination was official Israeli policy

The Israeli government has kept documents detailing systematic racism against Jews from the Middle East and North Africa sealed for 70 years. This week the Knesset rejected a proposal to open the state archives. To correct the historical injustice, the public needs to know the truth.

By Mossi Raz, +972
November 26, 2017

In nearly every conversation about the arrival and absorption of Jewish immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa, the same claim arises—while mistakes were made, it wasn’t because of an explicit policy. If only this claim were true.

The ’50s were difficult years. Israel was a young country, surrounded by enemies and constantly faced with a shortage of resources and manpower. And yet it only takes a glimpse at the records of government meetings from the period to realize how much of a partial explanation this is. Israel’s founders achieved many great things, but they also made decisions that created social and economic inequalities that have lasted for generations. Among these decisions, they created a system of population dispersal known as development towns.

Between 1954 and 1956, Israel built dozens of development towns in the country’s northern and southern geographic peripheries, far from the country’s economic and cultural centres. During that period, 75,000 immigrants arrived from Morocco and Tunisia. They made up 85 percent of the immigrants at the time. Anywhere from 70 to 90 percent of them were sent to development towns, in contrast to the Eastern European immigrants who were allowed to settle in places in the country’s centre, in and near Tel Aviv and Jerusalem.

The findings that have emerged from the few files that have been declassified are disturbing. Jewish immigrants from North Africa and the Middle East, who expected to end up in Jerusalem or Tel Aviv, to live in the Holy City or by the beach, were sent to the Negev; when they refused to settle there, Israeli leaders used violence and deceit to force them.

The new immigrants often tried to resist. They refused to comply, they spoke out against their unfair treatment. But the government did not hesitate to take severe measures against them: it manipulated them, threatened to take away their children. In some instances, authorities instructed the drivers of trucks carrying the new immigrants to literally throw the new immigrants out of their trucks and onto the ground, and leave them behind against their will.

The documents that record these decisions have been sealed for decades, in the hopes of hiding the injustice. Seventy years later, most of the documents are hidden from the public. It is precisely this information blackout that enables the continuation of the problematic policy of population dispersal to this day.

The decisions may have been made 70 years ago, but the wounds they caused never healed. Because the Israeli government never stopped to examine this history, nothing prevented it from committing the same mistakes over and over again.

Ofakim, ‘development’ town.

In the 1990s, Ethiopian immigrants boarded planes expecting, with all the excitement of a people returning to their homeland after 2000 years’ exile, to be taken to Jerusalem. When they landed, they were sent to absorption centres. In many cases, two families were forced to share a single small apartment. Linguistic and bureaucratic barriers prevented them from taking full advantage of the immigration benefits to which they were entitled. Thirty years after their arrival in Israel, their situation remains largely the same: two families in one small apartment.

Protester at a demonstration against the discrimination and racism against Ethiopian-Jews in centre of Tel Aviv, January 31, 2012. Photo by Oren Ziv/

The policy of population dispersal was—and remains—a disgrace: from the way new developments are built in the Negev, without considering their effects on existing communities, to the way African refugees arriving at Israel’s southern border were bussed directly to the poor Mizrahi neighbourhoods of south Tel Aviv. The deep gaps between Israel’s socio-geographic periphery and its centre were created knowingly, and on the basis of racist assumptions.

The refusal to recognize this injustice continues to enable the Israeli government to misallocate funds and to deny marginalized populations the resources they require: they are entitled to reparations, to equal opportunity, and to the recognition of the historic injustice that was done to them.

On Thursday, November 23, I asked the Knesset to establish a committee of inquiry on the subject of the government’s policy of population dispersal, from the ’50s until today. Unfortunately, my proposal failed. The only Knesset members who voted for it—who truly see the suffering of the country’s most vulnerable citizens—were my fellow Meretz MKs and two MKs from the Joint List.

The other members of the opposition, members of Yesh Atid and the Zionist Union—those whom I expected to join me in support of the struggle to expose the truth of what happened—disappeared entirely. They left the Knesset floor ahead of the vote, though they had the courtesy to leave behind the smell of fear of voting for a proposal like this. The members of the governing coalition, meanwhile, fell in line to oppose the proposal, even though they say they are correcting the historic failures of the old Labour governments.

The classified documents undoubtedly contain uncomfortable facts, and Israeli society has done all it can to cover up its misdeeds—but this refusal to confront history is precisely what chips away at our country’s moral foundation.

Without bringing to light the classified documents that deal with the government’s policies during the ’50s, ’90s, and 2000s, and without recognition of the injustice done to numerous communities, we will not be able to repair Israeli society. Without a committee of inquiry, we will remain stuck in a cycle of socio-economic inequality that is tearing Israeli society apart from the inside.

Mossi Raz is a member of the Knesset from the Meretz party.



Bedouin community
‘Bedouin community’, photo by Hezki Ezra, unspecified location

First Afula, now Ofakim: Residents shocked at Bedouin purchases

14 Bedouin families have purchased land in the national-religious community, infuriating locals and freezing sales to Israeli Jews.

Arutz Sheva [religious zionist platform]
December 08, 2015

The same week that residents of Afula discovered that an “instant Arab neighbourhood” had been purchased in their city, the residents of Ofakim, in the Negev, made a similar discovery – and some are cancelling their building plans.

Israeli citizens who bought plots of land in the city’s Neve Yaakov neighbourhood are reconsidering their plans, Walla! News reports Tuesday, after it was revealed that 14 Bedouin families have purchased land tenders in the same area over a 2.5 year period.

“80% of the citizens here observe Shabbat,” one frustrated Ofakim resident in his twenties explained. “They are sure Shabbat will not be kept, that [the Bedouin] will not respect the area here, that they will start up with the Jews – and we do not want any Arab to date a Jew just as they don’t.”

“I will not buy here now because of them,” he explained. “We want a Jewish area, a religious area. They have their own cities, they should build there.”

“This is not about racism but cultural differences,” Eli Shriki, another alarmed buyer, stated in a Facebook post to raise awareness about the issue. “The Bedouin have not made good neighbourhoods.”

“We see what is happening today in the mixed cities: they harass girls and work against the state,” he continued. “I am sure that following their purchase, the property value in the area will decrease, so I froze my purchase. I’m not a racist but anyone should live in a place that suits him mentally and culturally.” ….

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