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Gisha factsheet on Palestinians holders of Gaza IDs in the West Bank

gisha_logoRestrictions and Removal: Israel’s double bind policy for Palestinians holders of Gaza IDs in the West Bank

(See also the related posting: Berlanty Azzam Not Allowed to Finish Her BA at Bethlehem University)

Fact Sheet

November 2009

Beginning in approximately 2003,[1] Israel began to prohibit Palestinians whose registered address is in Gaza from being in the West Bank – even if they had been living in the West Bank for years. It also began a policy of arresting Palestinians whose registered address is in Gaza – including those whose homes, families, and jobs are in the West Bank – and removing them to Gaza against their will. Those arrests included people whose only suspected “wrongdoing” was being present in the West Bank. Israel bases this policy on a 1967 order declaring the West Bank to be a “closed military area.”[2] This position contradicts an obligation undertaken in the Oslo Accords and incorporated into the military legislation governing the West Bank, which recognizes the Gaza Strip and the West Bank as a “single territorial unit” [3] where Palestinians listed in the Israeli-controlled Palestinian Population Registry may lawfully reside. That political commitment became part of the internal law of the West Bank via military orders implementing the Interim Agreement.[4] For more details see: Disengagement Danger: Israeli Attempts to Separate Gaza from the West Bank, especially Part 2D.

The result is that thousands of Palestinians, whose registered address is in Gaza, live in hiding in the West Bank, and the unlucky ones – are caught and removed to Gaza.[5] The Palestinian Office of Civilian Affairs in Ramallah has estimated the number of people living in the West Bank with registered addresses in Gaza at 25,000. These people, almost all of whom entered the West Bank legally, via permits to cross through Israel, cannot travel freely between West Bank towns, because of their credible fear that soldiers at one of the checkpoints within the West Bank will arrest them and remove them to Gaza against their will. They cannot travel abroad, because Israel will not allow them to travel through the Allenby Bridge crossing into Jordan. Those who live in West Bank cities entirely surrounded by Israeli checkpoints are trapped, unable to travel more than a few kilometers in any direction. They are limited in their places of work, because they cannot travel within the West Bank and cannot take work-related trips abroad. They cannot study abroad or request permits to enter Jerusalem for work, study or medical care. Many have not seen their families in Gaza since 2000.

Recently, Israel has stepped up its policy of arresting people in the West Bank whose ID cards list Gaza addresses – and removing them to Gaza by force. Israel has done this in four types of circumstances:

  1. Arresting people at internal checkpoints within the West Bank and removing them to Gaza (inducing people to limit their movement to avoid crossing checkpoints);
  2. Entering homes in the West Bank, arresting those whose addresses are registered in Gaza, and removing them to Gaza;
  3. Following completion of a prison term, prisoners whose addresses are registered in Gaza are released to Gaza, even when the prisoner has been residing in the West Bank for years;
  4. In cases in which Palestinians are caught entering Israel without a permit, they have been deported to Gaza (rather than the West Bank), because their addresses are registered in Gaza – even if they have been living in the West Bank for years and have no connection to Gaza.

Ban on Palestinian students from Gaza studying at Palestinian universities in the West Bank

Since 2000, Israel has enforced a total ban preventing Palestinian students from Gaza from studying at West Bank universities. In 2007, a High Court of Justice ruling determined that students from Gaza wishing to study in the West Bank should be allowed to do so “in cases likely to have positive humane implications.”[6] to screen individual applicants as exceptions to the overall policy banning study in the West Bank, in practice, no mechanism has been formulated, and to the best of Gisha’s knowledge, since this judgment in 2007, Israel has not issued a single entry permit to students from Gaza for the purpose of traveling to study in the West Bank – despite numerous applications. Near the end of the 1990’s, approximately 1,000 students whose addresses were registered in Gaza were studying in West Bank institutions. In contrast very, very few are studying in the West Bank today. This ban is particularly detrimental, because many degree programs, including in humanitarian fields such occupational or speech therapy, are not available in the Gaza Strip.

The case of Berlanty Azzam; a student’s forced removal from the West Bank

Berlanty Azzam, a young woman from Gaza, managed to enroll at Bethlehem University in 2005, after having received a permit to enter Israel and after crossing into the West Bank. Four years later and just two months shy of completing her degree in business management, on Oct. 28, 2009, Ms. Azzam was stopped at a checkpoint near Ramallah on her way back from a job interview, and was blindfolded, handcuffed, and removed to Gaza by force. Israeli military officials claim Ms. Azzam was present in the West Bank illegally. This is despite the fact that at the time she entered the West Bank, the permit the army now intermittently requires Gaza ID card-holders in the West Bank to obtain simply did not exist and despite her many documented attempts to regulate her status in the West Bank with military officials. Her removal was not based on any specific security concern but rather on the claim that she was residing and studying illegally in the West Bank. The position of Gisha and of Ms. Azzam is that a person cannot be considered to be residing illegally in his or her own territory. The Oslo Accords lay out a procedure in which all those in possession of an Israeli-approved Palestinian ID card may reside in any part of the Palestinian territory, in the West Bank or the Gaza Strip. Under those international agreements, Israel’s authority is limited to controlling who may enter Israel for purposes of passage between the two parts of the territory.

Almost No Address Changes from Gaza to West Bank

Aside from a few “gestures” that have taken place over the last nine years, in which a few hundred address changes were approved, since 2000, there has been no possibility for changing one’s address from Gaza to the West Bank (See Gisha, Disengagement Danger: Israeli Attempts to Separate Gaza from the West Bank, Part 2B). So Palestinian residents originally from Gaza, or whose addresses were registered there, have almost no possibility to change their address (For more details, see HaMoked and Gisha, New Procedure: Israel Bars Palestinians in Gaza from Moving to West Bank).

“Staying Permits”

In late 2007, Israel began issuing “staying permits”, ostensibly to permit Palestinian residents whose addresses are registered in Gaza to “remain” in the West Bank temporarily. The criteria are extremely restrictive, and most people do not meet them. It should be noted that prior to 2007, consistent with the Oslo Accords, no such permit existed, as the only permit required was the entrance permit allowing a resident to enter Israel for purposes of transit from Gaza to the West Bank. Israel continues to claim that Palestinian residents (like Berlanty Azzam) are present illegally in the West Bank – even though at the time they entered the West Bank, no permit was required to “stay” in the West Bank. Instead, a Gaza resident whose request to travel to the West Bank was granted – received a permit titled “Entry permit to Israel,” under circumstances that make it clear that the permit was granted for the purposes of transit. That practice is still in effect today. For example, in cases in which Israel removed people to Gaza but later returned them as a result of litigation, the permits given to those permitted to return to their homes in the West Bank were one-day entry permits to Israel – for purposes of transit. It is clear that in granting a request to return home, the military did not expect a family to remain in the West Bank for just one day.

Preventing Family Reunification

For those removed to Gaza from the West Bank who have left families behind, the criteria for returning are extraordinarily strict. The only cases that will be considered for relocation to the West Bank are orphans, the chronically ill, and elderly persons in need of care, and even then – only on the condition that there is no relative in Gaza who can care for them. This procedure was revealed in a court petition filed by the Israeli human rights organization Hamoked (See a position paper by Hamoked and Gisha, New Procedure: Israel Bars Palestinians in Gaza from Moving to West Bank).

Due Process

In addition to the substantive right to remain in one’s territory,[7] the way in which the Israeli government has carried out the removals to Gaza raises serious questions concerning due process. Indeed, despite orders by the Israeli Supreme Court to institute a procedure for allowing residents to raise claims concerning their residency rights in the West Bank,[8] as noted above the military has recently stepped up efforts to remove people with ID cards listing Gaza addresses, with no ability to challenge the removal. Berlanty Azzam was removed despite an explicit promise by military lawyers that she would not be removed to Gaza until her lawyers had an opportunity to seek judicial review.

A Faulty “Security Rationale”

Israel has claimed that restrictions on movement and resettlement between Gaza and the West Bank stem from security concerns and/or the “political-security situation.”[9] West Bank universities are “greenhouses for growing terrorists.”[10] Again, the ban applies even for students who pass the Israeli authorities’ rigorous security checks. According to Israel, even if a student from Gaza poses no security risk and seeks to cross to the West Bank for the sole purpose of studying, once in the West Bank, that individual may in theory decide at any moment to engage in terrorist acts – and therefore, he or she should not be permitted to study. The case of Berlanty Azzam points to the faulty and discriminatory logic of such claims and highlights a troubling state of affairs where all young Palestinians from Gaza, instead of being seen as future leaders and productive members of society, are deemed to be potential “terrorists” and are therefore prevented from pursuing their worthy goals of studying. Again, the ban applies even for students who pass the Israeli authorities’ rigorous security checks.

Impact on Human and Economic Development

As mentioned above, those living in the West Bank with Gaza ID cards are extremely limited in their movement, which then limits their ability to work, run businesses, or study. Women especially, who left Gaza for the more open atmosphere and relative prosperity of the West Bank, including greater work opportunities and the ability to live independently in West Bank cities, are reluctant to risk being removed to Gaza and therefore give up on jobs and study that require travel. Those who have been taken to Gaza by force from the West Bank leave behind educational opportunities and access to livelihoods. In Gaza, they have no home, no job, and no way to support themselves or their families left behind in the West Bank.

Those originally from Gaza but living in the West Bank could serve as bridges to improve ties across Palestinian civil society and present the potential for bringing the relatively more ample resources of the West Bank – financial, educational and otherwise – to the Gaza Strip. For students from Gaza, this is especially the case, as many fields of study that are unavailable in Gaza are available in the West Bank. In addition, the Palestinian higher education system benefits from the exchange of ideas and from a diversity of academic programs. Greater ties and better distribution of resources across the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and access of young people to the tools of development, in addition to being basic rights in and of themselves, are critical to the viability of a future Palestinian state. Indeed, the U.S.-brokered Road Map calls for the full implementation of the recommendations of the 2002 Bertini Report, including the recommendation that “Israel should ensure that all children, students and teachers have full access to schools and universities throughout the West Bank and Gaza“. [11]

.        Recommendations:

  • Gisha asks Israel to permit students from the Gaza Strip to travel to the West Bank for purposes of higher education, subject to an individual security screening.
  • Gisha asks Israel to respect the right of Palestinians to live in either part of the Palestinian territory and to desist from its policy of removing people from the West Bank to Gaza.

Additional Resources:

For a printable PDF version of the document, click here.

[1] There were incidents prior to 2003, but a broad policy of forbidding people from Gaza being in the West Bank became readily identifiable in 2003.

[2] Order Regarding Closure of Areas (West Bank Area) (No. 34), 1967.

[3] Article 11 of the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, signed Sept. 28, 1995, Washington, D.C (hereinafter: “Interim Agreement”); Israel’s High Court has affirmed the integrity of Gaza and the West Bank as a single territorial unit. See H.C. 7015/02 Ajuri v. West Bank Military Commander, P.D. 56(6) 352 (available in English at

[4] Order Regarding Implementation of Interim Agreement (Judea and Samaria) (No. 7) 1995 [West Bank].

[5] See H.C. 11595/05 Najar v. IDF Commander in the West Bank petition brought by Gisha (petition available at; Amira Hass, “The Obstacle Course to School,” Haaretz,Jan. 11, 2006; Amira Hass, “Expressing the ‘Closure of Thought,'” Haaretz, Jan. 10, 2006.

[6]See Gisha news release,”Israeli Supreme Court Decision Leaves Only One Certified Occupational Therapist to Treat 24,000 Patients in Gaza” of August 9, 2007.

[7] International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, Art. 12(1): “Everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within that territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence.”

[8] H.C. 3519/05Ward v. West Bank Military Commander, case brought by HaMoked: Center for the Defence of the Individual (petition available at

[9]See Hamoked and Gisha, New Procedure: Israel Bars Palestinians in Gaza from Moving to West Bank, June 2009.

[10] H.C. 11120/05 Hamdan v. Southern Military Commander, Para. 53 of State’s Response of Jan. 19, 2006.

[11] Catherine Bertini, Personal Humanitarian Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mission Report, August 2002, paragraph 111

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