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06 May: Tair Kaminer starts her fifth spell in gaol. Send messages of support via Reuven Kaminer

04 May: Against the resort to denigration of Israel’s critics


23 Dec: JfJfP policy statement on BDS

14 Nov: Letter to the Guardian about the Board of Deputies

11 Nov: UK ban on visiting Palestinian mental health workers

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21 Aug: JfJfP on Jeremy Corbyn

29 July: Letter to Evening Standard about its shoddy reporting

24 April: Letter to FIFA about Israeli football

15 April: Letter re Ed Miliband and Israel

11 Jan: Letter to the Guardian in response to Jonathan Freedland on Charlie Hebdo


15 Dec: Chanukah: Celebrating the miracle of holy oil not military power

1 Dec: Executive statement on bill to make Israel the nation state of the Jewish people

25 Nov: Submission to All-Party Parliamentary Group Against Antisemitism

7 Sept: JfJfP Executive statement on Antisemitism

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19 June Statement on the three kidnapped teenagers

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28 Mar: EJJP letter in support of Dutch pension fund PGGM's decision to divest from Israeli banks

24 Jan: Support for Riba resolution

16 Jan: EJJP lobbies EU in support of the EU Commission Guidelines, Aug 2013–Jan 2014


29 November: JfJfP, with many others, signs a "UK must protest at Bedouin expulsion" letter

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24 Jan: Letter re the 1923 San Remo convention

18 Jan: In Support of Bab al-Shams

17 Jan: Letter to Camden New Journal about Veolia

11 Jan: JfJfP supports public letter to President Obama

Comments in 2012 and 2011



Qatari visit to Gaza prompts re-assessment of Israel’s blockade

The Emir of Qatar Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, right, and Gaza’s Hamas Prime minister Ismail Haniyeh, third left, arrive for the corner-stone laying ceremony of a new center providing artificial limbs, in Bait Lahiya, northern Gaza Strip, on Oct. 23, 2012. Photo by Ali Ali/AP 

Israel reckons with unraveling Gaza policy

By Joel Greenberg, Washington Post
October 30, 2012

JERUSALEM — When the emir of Qatar paid the first visit by a head of state to the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip last week, there were two different reactions from the Israeli Foreign Ministry.

In one statement, Yigal Palmor, a spokesman for the ministry, accused the emir, Sheik Hamad Bin Khalifa al-Thani, of backing a terrorist organization and having “thrown peace under the bus.”

But an Arabic-language spokesman for the ministry, Lior Ben Dor, told Radio Sawa, a U.S.- funded station heard across the Middle East, that Israel welcomed the visit of the emir, who pledged generous financial aid.

“Since our withdrawal from Gaza, the goal has been that Arab states come and help the residents of Gaza,” Ben Dor said, referring to the Israeli pullout in 2005.

The double message was a symptom of the unraveling of an Israeli policy toward Gaza that was put in place after Hamas, which is considered a terrorist organization by Israel and the United States, seized control of the territory in June 2007.

The Israeli government adopted measures to isolate Gaza, sharply restricting supply shipments at border points, tightening bans on movement out of the territory, and promoting an international diplomatic boycott of the Hamas government.

The policy, strongly backed by Washington, was coupled with moves to promote economic development and foreign aid in the West Bank, where the Fatah movement of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas is dominant. The intention was to squeeze Hamas by blockading and imposing austerity on Gaza, while boosting Abbas and Fatah through improved living conditions in the West Bank.

But the policy essentially backfired. Hamas rallied popular support in Gaza through a shared sense of siege, and it consolidated economic control by taxing goods smuggled through tunnels from Egypt.

A deadly Israeli commando raid in 2010 on a Turkish ship carrying activists challenging Israel’s naval blockade of Gaza led to an international outcry and a substantial loosening of Israeli restrictions on shipment of goods to the territory.

The rise to power of Islamist movements in Egypt and other countries swept by the Arab Spring provided Hamas with a diplomatic opening. The Hamas prime minister, Ismail Haniyeh, has made two regional tours this year, visiting Egypt, Tunisia, Turkey, Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait and Iran. Egypt has eased restrictions on its border with the Gaza Strip, allowing greater freedom of travel for Palestinians.

The Qatari emir’s visit to Gaza, where he was received with an honor guard and the playing of national anthems — as if the Hamas enclave were an independent state — was touted by Haniyeh as the formal end of “the political and economic siege.”

The emir’s pledge of $400 million for projects including housing construction and road improvements — well exceeding the amount of foreign aid Gaza receives annually — contrasted sharply with the financial woes of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, where a falloff in aid has left Abbas and his allies struggling to pay salaries of thousands of employees.

Egypt has promised to allow construction materials for the Qatari-funded projects through its border crossing to the Gaza Strip, following earlier suggestions that the crossing might be opened regularly for passage of commercial goods.

“This signifies the beginning of the collapse of the West Bank-first model, but we still have to wait and see if Egypt follows through,” said Nathan Thrall, an analyst with the International Crisis Group.

Mkhaimar Abusada, a professor of political science at al-Azhar University in Gaza, said the assumptions behind the effort to isolate Gaza and its rulers had been upended. “The policy of isolating and weakening Hamas through sanctions and blockade failed miserably,” he said. “The model the U.S. and Europe tried to build in the West Bank did not lead to positive results. Israel is expanding its settlements, the peace process has reached a dead end, and the Palestinian Authority is on life support.”

The new realities have brought some commentators in Israel to call for a reassessment.

Giora Eiland, a former general who headed Israel’s National Security Council during the withdrawal from Gaza, asserted after the emir’s visit that Israel should shift away from trying to undermine Hamas rule and focus exclusively on security concerns, such as halting rocket attacks across the border.

“Israel has an interest that Gaza resemble, as much as possible, a state with a stable government. That is the only way to have an address for both deterrence and dealing with security issues,” Eiland wrote in the Yediot Ahronot daily. “Israel has an interest in economic improvement in Gaza of the kind Qatar can bring. Such improvement creates assets that any government would be concerned about damaging, and thus it will be more moderate and cautious.”

Yossi Alpher, an Israeli analyst and former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University, said in an interview that Israel should “recognize that Hamas is in charge of Gaza and that we’re not going to change that.”

“Let the Qataris rebuild the Gaza Strip,” Alpher added. “The objective should be to reach some kind of modus vivendi with Hamas.”

Long-standing demands by the United States and other international mediators that Hamas recognize Israel and renounce violence as a condition for diplomatic contacts have been overtaken by events, Alpher said.

“The reality is that there are two separate Palestinian entities and no peace process with either of them, so all of these conditions don’t seem terribly relevant,” he said. “The question is, can we can find a way to dialogue with political Islam?”

Qatari emir’s visit to Gaza is a boost for Hamas

Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani becomes first Arab leader in years to visit the impoverished coastal Gaza strip

By Ian Black and Harriet Sherwood,,
October 23, 2012

Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani is used to basking in the limelight. But when the emir of Qatar arrived in Gaza on Tuesday – the first Arab leader in years to visit the impoverished coastal strip – he was hailed for breaking its siege, demonstrating his country’s huge and growing influence in the Middle East.

Palestinians rolled out the red carpet for the emir as his black Mercedes bumped along a rutted main road that he has promised to rebuild, past white and maroon Qatari flags, the song Thank You, Qatar playing endlessly on local radio and TV.

Sheikh Hamad flew to Egypt and crossed the border into Gaza, a move billed as breaking the blockade in force since the Islamists of Hamas took power in 2007. It also underlined the ability of the tiny, fabulously rich Gulf state to punch above its weight internationally.

He arrived with 90 tonnes of aid and pledged $400m (£250m) to invest in housing and infrastructure to replace property damaged in the 2008-09 war with Israel.

Flanked by his wife, the elegant and high-profile Sheikha Mozah, he spoke to a large crowd at Gaza’s Islamic University, the biggest event of a six-hour stay.

The last head of state to visit the strip was King Abdullah of Jordan, who went there in 1999 for talks with then Palestinian president, Yasser Arafat.

Predictably, the brief royal visit was the top news item on al-Jazeera, the satellite TV channel owned by the emir’s family and which has been an unabashed and influential cheerleader for the uprisings of the Arab spring from Tunisia to Syria.

Qatar’s ambitious move was a stunning boost for Hamas, shunned by Israel, the US and western countries as a terrorist organisation. Ismail Haniyeh, its deposed prime minister, called it a historic event that had broken the “unjust blockade”.

“The visit gives Hamas legitimacy in the Arab world and internationally,” said Mkhaimar Abusada, an independent analyst at Gaza’s al-Azhar university. It was further striking evidence that Qatar, whose per-capita income is now the highest in the world, is in effect using its enormous oil and gas riches and close ties to Islamist organisations to expand its regional influence in the wake of its involvement in the uprisings against Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi and Bashar al-Assad in Syria.

“The emir is confirming that Qatar is the principal supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood takeover in Egypt and everywhere else,” said Ahmed Asfahani, the respected al-Hayat newspaper columnist. “Qatar is using the Brotherhood to promote its own interests. It also shows that Qatar is trying to replace Iran as a major player on the Palestinian issue.”

Observers in the region also see the visit in part as a reward to Hamas for ending its support for Assad. Until a few months ago, the movement’s exiled leadership was based in Damascus, helping bolster Syria’s credentials as a key member of the “axis of resistance” confronting Israel, along with Iran and Hezbollah in Lebanon.

But its veteran leader, Khalid Mish’al, decamped to Doha. And Haniyeh came out in open support of the right of the Syrian people to oppose Assad.

Mahmoud Abbas, the western-backed Palestinian president and leader of Fatah, had let it be known from his headquarters in the West Bank town of Ramallah that he was furious about the visit, which plays into the hands of his bitterest rival. “Nobody’s happy about it,” said one Palestinian source. “It definitely makes a statement. And of course there is a track record of Arab regimes playing into intra-Palestinian politics.”

The PLO welcomed any help with reconstruction in Gaza, but called on “all Arab brethren to … use their leverage to ensure an end to the division and the policy of creating a separatist entity in the Gaza Strip, as [this] principally serves the Israeli agenda.” There is also an unspoken fear of eroding the claim of Abbas’s Palestinian Authority to be the sole representative of the Palestinians.

Israel angrily condemned the Qatari visit as well. “We find it weird that the emir doesn’t support all of the Palestinians but sides with Hamas over the Palestinian Authority [in the West Bank] which he has never visited,” said its foreign ministry spokesman, Yigal Palmor. “The emir has chosen his camp and it is not good.”

In the background, it is possible to discern a new pattern of relations emerging in a political landscape transformed by the Arab spring in which a key player is the Egyptian president, Mohamed Morsi, a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood.

In the era of Hosni Mubarak, Qatar was often at loggerheads with Egypt, which, like many other Arab governments, hated al-Jazeera and saw it as a disruptive instrument of Qatari policy. Even now, Doha is being more radical than Cairo. Formally, Egypt considers Abbas as the representative of Palestinians and Gaza as under PA authority (or that the end state of Palestinian reconciliation should be a West Bank and Gaza united under PA control). The emir called publicly for efforts to promote reconciliation between the Palestinian rivals to confront Israel. “It will be interesting to see if Qatar is now going to play a more active role in mediating between Hamas and Fatah, or even Hamas and Israel,” said Abusada.

Doha has won admiration and irritation in equal measure in the Middle East and beyond. Uniquely, it maintains cordial, if low-key, relations with Israel as well as Iran, hated by other Gulf Arabs. It is also home to a large US air base. Its wealth speaks eloquently. In September, it announced plans to invest $18bn over five years in Egypt. Its aid also helped reconstruction in south Lebanon after the 2006 war between Hezbollah and Israel. At that time, the emir worked closely with Assad, only to turn against him when the Syrian uprising began 19 months ago. In Libya last year, Qatar bankrolled the anti-Gaddafi rebels but channelled resources through Islamist brigades only to face criticism later that it was behaving in a manipulative manner. Now Qatar has become a key supporter of the armed Syrian opposition, amid growing concern in the west that the weapons it pays for are reaching jihadi-type groups rather than democratic forces.

Among its other accomplishments, Qatar is to host the 2022 World Cup, having defeated bidders including the US and Japan. Following intense lobbying it also recently managed to join La Francophonie – the 57-member bloc of French-speaking nations – as an associate member. French is barely spoken in Qatar but it insists it is committed to promoting use of the language.

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