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JfJfP comments


2016:

06 May: Tair Kaminer starts her fifth spell in gaol. Send messages of support via Reuven Kaminer

04 May: Against the resort to denigration of Israel’s critics

2015:

23 Dec: JfJfP policy statement on BDS

14 Nov: Letter to the Guardian about the Board of Deputies

11 Nov: UK ban on visiting Palestinian mental health workers

20 Oct: letter in the Guardian

13 Sep: Rosh Hashanah greetings

21 Aug: JfJfP on Jeremy Corbyn

29 July: Letter to Evening Standard about its shoddy reporting

24 April: Letter to FIFA about Israeli football

15 April: Letter re Ed Miliband and Israel

11 Jan: Letter to the Guardian in response to Jonathan Freedland on Charlie Hebdo

2014:

15 Dec: Chanukah: Celebrating the miracle of holy oil not military power

1 Dec: Executive statement on bill to make Israel the nation state of the Jewish people

25 Nov: Submission to All-Party Parliamentary Group Against Antisemitism

7 Sept: JfJfP Executive statement on Antisemitism

3 Aug: Urgent disclaimer

19 June Statement on the three kidnapped teenagers

25 April: Exec statement on Yarmouk

28 Mar: EJJP letter in support of Dutch pension fund PGGM's decision to divest from Israeli banks

24 Jan: Support for Riba resolution

16 Jan: EJJP lobbies EU in support of the EU Commission Guidelines, Aug 2013–Jan 2014

2013:

29 November: JfJfP, with many others, signs a "UK must protest at Bedouin expulsion" letter

November: Press release, letter to the Times and advert in the Independent on the Prawer Plan

September: Briefing note and leaflet on the Prawer Plan

September: JfJfP/EJJP on the EU guidelines with regard to Israel

14th June: JfJfP joins other organisations in protest to BBC

2nd June: A light unto nations? - a leaflet for distribution at the "Closer to Israel" rally in London

24 Jan: Letter re the 1923 San Remo convention

18 Jan: In Support of Bab al-Shams

17 Jan: Letter to Camden New Journal about Veolia

11 Jan: JfJfP supports public letter to President Obama

Comments in 2012 and 2011

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Posts

Here’s hoping social justice protesters will get into politics

For a different view on the costs and profits of occupation, see Wealth Israel gains by occupation: Palestine’s water, minerals, land, labour

Daphni rides again

By Uri Avnery, Gush Shalom
June 30, 2012

DON’T TELL anyone, but in many a demonstration, when we were standing and proclaiming our message of peace and justice, knowing that not a word about it would appear in the media, I secretly wished for the police to come and beat us up.

That would attract the media, who would convey our message to the general public – which was, after all, the whole purpose of the exercise.

This happened last week.

REMEMBER DAPHNI LEEF? She was the young woman who could not pay her rent and put up a tent in Tel Aviv’s central Rothschild Boulevard, starting a protest movement that in the end brought almost half a million people to a mass social protest.

Imitating Tahrir Square, their slogan was: “The people demand social justice!”

Like all of us, the powers that be were totally unprepared. Faced with this new and threatening phenomenon, they did what politicians always do in such a situation: the government beat a sham retreat, appointed a committee, ceremoniously adopted its findings and then sat on its hands.

Since the end of last year’s “Social Summer”, next to nothing has changed. If there was any movement at all, it was for the worse. CEOs doubled their salaries, and the poorer became even less able to pay their rent.

At the end of the summer, the mayor of Tel Aviv, Ron Huldai, nominally a member of the Labor Party, sent his “inspectors” to demolish the hundred tents in the Boulevard. The protest went into prolonged hibernation over the winter and good old “security” pushed “social justice” off the agenda.

Everyone expected the protest, like the sleeping beauty, to come to life again this summer. The question was: how?

NOW IT is happening. With the official beginning of summer, June 21, the protest started again.

There were no new ideas. Daphni and her friends obviously believed that the best way was to repeat last year’s success in every detail.

They went back to Rothschild Boulevard, tried to put up their little tents and called upon the masses to join them.

But there was a huge difference between this year and the last: the element of surprise.

Every strategist knows that in war, surprise is half of victory. The same is true in political action.

Last year, the surprise was complete. Like the Egyptians crossing the Suez Canal on Yom Kippur 1973, Daphni and her friends surprised everyone, including themselves.

But surprise cannot be warmed up again like coffee.

This time, the authorities were prepared. Lengthy – if secret – consultations have obviously taken place. The Prime Minister was determined not to be humiliated again – not after TIME magazine crowned him “King Bibi” and the German vulgar mass-circulation paper, BILD, followed suit, enthroning his wife, Sara, too. (Sara’le, as she is generally called, is as popular as Marie Antoinette in her time.)

The orders of Netanyahu and his minions for the police were evidently to put down any protest forcefully and right from the beginning. The mayor decided to turn the boulevard into a fortress against the tent-dwellers. (The French word “boulevard” is derived from the German “Bollwerk” which means fortification, because citizens loved to stroll atop the city walls. They still do in the beautiful Tuscan town of Lucca.)

It seemed that Netanyahu learned a lot from Vladimir Putin, who paid him a courtesy visit this week. Weeks ago, last year’s protest leaders were summoned to the police and interrogated about their plans – something unheard of in Israel (for Jews within the Green Line). The legality of this procedure is doubtful, to say the least.

SO WHEN Daphni appeared on the scene, everything was ready.

Mayor Huldai’s “inspectors”, who have never before been seen in a violent role, attacked the few dozen protesters, shoved them roughly around and trampled on their tents.

When the protesters did not cede their ground, the police were deployed. Not just ordinary police officers, but also the specially trained riot police and police commandos. The photos and videos show policemen attacking protesters, hitting and kicking them. One policeman was shown choking a young woman with both his hands. Daphni herself was thrown to the ground, kicked and beaten.

Next day, the pictures appeared in the papers and on television. The public was shocked.

When 12 protesters were brought to court, after spending the night under arrest, the judge sharply criticized the police and sent them home.

The next day, a second demonstration took place to protest against the treatment of Daphni. Again the police attacked the protesters, who reacted by blocking central thoroughfares and smashing the glass doors of two banks.

The government, the police chiefs and the mayor were horrified. “A well-prepared riot by violent thugs!” the commander of the country’s police force called the event in a specially convened press conference. “Vandalism!” the mayor chimed in.

AT THE time these events occurred, a group of Palestinian, Israeli and international activists were holding a protest in Sussia, a small Arab village on the edge of the desert south of Hebron.

For a long time, the occupation authorities have been trying to drive the Palestinians from this area, in order to enlarge the neighboring settlement (which bears the same name) and in future annex the area. After the Arab houses were destroyed, the inhabitants found refuge in ancient caves. From time to time the army tries to drive them out, blocking the wells and arresting the people. All of us in the peace movement have taken part in protests there at one time or another.

Compared to what happened there, the Rothschild events were child’s play. The police employed tear gas, rubber-coated steel bullets, water cannon and “skunk water” – a stinking substance that clings to the body for days and weeks.

There is a lesson there. Police officers who are routinely employed to put down the protests in Bil’in and other places in the West Bank and then are sent to Tel Aviv cannot be expected to become London policemen overnight. Brutality cannot be stopped forever on the Green Line. Sooner or later, Bil’in was bound to come to Tel Aviv.

Now it’s here.

SO WHAT NOW? A public opinion poll taken this week shows that 69% of Jewish Israelis (Arabs were not asked) support the renewed protest, and 23% said that violent protests may become necessary.

Hours after publication, Binyamin Netanyahu announced that the planned tax raise for the poor and the middle class had been dropped. Instead, the budget deficit would be allowed to rise dramatically. This is blatantly against Netanyahu’s basic convictions and shows how afraid of the protest he is.

But this, of course, will not effect any real change in the structure of our economy, which is being sucked dry by the huge military-industrial complex, as well as by the settlers and the orthodox. Daphni and her friends refuse to go into this. But that’s where the money is, and without it the welfare state cannot be resurrected.

They also refuse to engage in politics, rightly fearing to lose a lot of support if they did. But, as has been said, if you run away from politics, politics will follow you.

There is no chance at all for any real gain for social justice without a major shift in the political setup of the country. As of now, King Bibi and his right-wing cohorts reign supreme. The right-wing bloc controls a huge majority of 80% in the Knesset, leaving the remnants of the left-wing bloc completely powerless. In such a situation, change is impossible.

Sooner or later, the social protest movement will have to decide to enter the political arena. The right thing to do is to turn it into a political party – something like “Movement for Social Justice” – and run for the Knesset.

The 69% of supporters will shrink, of course. But a sizable part will remain and create a new force in the Knesset.

People who have habitually voted for Likud or Shas would then be able, for the first time, to vote for a party that conforms to their vital economic interests, upsetting the obsolete Israeli division between Left and Right and creating a completely new division of power.

This may not bring about the decisive change on the first attempt, but the second effort may well succeed in doing so. Anyhow, from the first day on it would change the agenda of Israeli politics.

Such a party would be compelled, by its own momentum, to embrace a program of peace, based on the two-state solution and of a secular, liberal, social-democratic system.

This just might be the beginning of the Second Israeli Republic.


In election economics, Netanyahu has a fear of showing weakness

There is no responsibility in this move, but rather a cynical step that threatens stability and announces the start of the election year.

By Nehemia Shtrasler, Ha’aretz
June 27, 2012

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu felt a strange tingling in his fingers on Tuesday. It had been two months since he last beat up on Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz, so he was feeling restless. It was time for another slap.

So the Prime Minister’s Office released a statement that the king had decided to raise the budget deficit for 2013 to 3 percent. No one mentioned that the evening before, Steinitz had recommended to Netanyahu that Israel raise the deficit to 3 percent. Steinitz wanted to make the announcement on Wednesday at an annual economic conference at the Dead Sea, but Netanyahu stole the show from him. Again.

That, of course, isn’t the most important part of the story. The important part is the decision to raise the deficit to the dangerous level of 3 percent, the top limit set for countries in the European Union.

Behind the decision lies a bitter dispute at the Finance Ministry between the budgets division, which was pushing for 2.5 percent, and ministry director general Doron Cohen and Steinitz, who wanted 3 percent – because that would require fewer taxes and fewer draconian measures. And 2013 is an election year, of course.

But even that’s not the whole story. The deficit for next year was supposed to be just 1.5 percent. That was in the plan Netanyahu and Steinitz committed to three years ago. Now, however, they can’t deliver the goods. Over the past three years, they have increased spending with abandon. For two years it worked somehow, but ultimately such conduct blows up in your face. That’s what’s happening now.

It turns out that although spending for next year can grow by NIS 14 billion, Netanyahu and Steinitz want to increase it by twice that amount, which would require NIS 14 billion in cuts from elsewhere in the budget. Netanyahu and Steinitz don’t want to make cuts. It shows weakness. They also don’t want to raise taxes, which isn’t popular in an election year.

Raising the deficit, however, is even worse. Against the backdrop of the world economic crisis, an increase in the budget deficit will lead to a rise in interest rates over the long term. That in turn will mean that households pay higher mortgage rates. Companies will pay more for capital. Investment will decline and unemployment will rise. Which means the weaker segments of the population and the next generation will pay the price.

The funniest part was hearing Netanyahu calling the move “fiscal responsibility.” There is no responsibility in this, but rather a cynical step that threatens stability and announces the start of the election year.

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